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U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #118, 98-10-28

U.S. State Department: Daily Press Briefings Directory - Previous Article - Next Article

From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>


581

U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

I N D E X

Wednesday, October 28, 1998

Briefer: James P. Rubin

ANNOUNCEMENTS
1,9-10		Ambassador Holbrooke and Kosovo Team Members Briefing

NORTH KOREA 1-2 Meeting on Suspect Underground Construction/Ambassador Kartman to Lead Delegation

MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS 2-3 Israeli and Palestinian Intentions to Implement Wye Agreements 3-4 Timetable and Venue for Permanent Status Talks 4 Time Lines for Entry Into Force of Agreement

CHILE 5 British High Court Decision on General Pinochet

SLOVAKIA 5-6 Formation of New Government

GREECE 6 US Ambassador Burns Travel to US/Purpose/Agenda

CYPRUS 6 Cyprus' Announcement of Plans to Build Naval Base

TRADE 6-7 WTO Banana Dispute with EU

AFRICA 7-8 Assistant Secretary Rice's Travel to the Region

RUSSIA 8-9 Status of Economic/Political Situation in Russia


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #118

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 28, 1998, 12:35 P.M.

(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. RUBIN: Greetings. Welcome to the State Department briefing here on Wednesday. Let me go briefly through the schedule. Ambassador Holbrooke and several members of the Kosovo team here at the Department will be available to you in roughly 20 minutes or so, during which time I hope we can go through some of your other questions; and if absolutely necessary, we might take a very short break to switch. But let's see how much we can get through before I turn the podium over to Ambassador Holbrooke.

As far as announcements today are concerned, let me start by saying that Ambassador Charles Kartman, our Special Envoy for the Korean Peace Talks, will lead a US delegation to Pyongyang November 16 to 18 to continue serious discussions on suspect underground construction in North Korea. The talks, which began in New York during high-level meetings in August, are aimed at completely satisfying US concerns regarding the suspect construction that we've talked to you about.

We've made clear to the North Koreans that any attempt by North Korea to pursue a nuclear weapons development program would be unacceptable. We have specific concerns about suspect underground construction, and we will demand assurances that North Korea continues to abide by its commitments in the agreed framework. Verbal assurances will not suffice. We will press for concrete actions, including our access to clarify the nature of underground construction.

QUESTION: Question about that - is this the first time a negotiation has taken place in Pyongyang?

MR. RUBIN: I will have to check that. I believe there have been talks there before about aspects of our relationship. I know that people have been there before, but it strikes me as one of the first times that a real dialogue on a specific issue took place there; except to say that this is an implementation question about an agreement that's already been signed. So it's not like four-party talks or something like that. I'll check to try to - depending on how one defines the term "negotiation," to answer your question as to what their past practice has been and whether this is a first.

QUESTION: But is there symbolism in there that the North Koreans would enjoy?

MR. RUBIN: We don't regard it as symbolic; we regard it as serious business to get to the bottom of the issue of our concern.

QUESTION: Symbolism about growing ties with --

MR. RUBIN: We don't regard it as such.

QUESTION: Jamie, so they're going there to negotiate the terms of access; they're not guaranteed access when they go. Kartman is not going to go and look at the site himself?

MR. RUBIN: It would certainly be wonderful if upon their arrival that access pursuant to our conditions were provided and they could immediately move from the negotiating table to get the access that we want. But having been around this block before with the North Koreans, what we are doing is making very clear to them that verbal assurances will not be sufficient and that access by us is going to be necessary. I wouldn't expect that to overnight be accepted.

QUESTION: Can you say something about the nature of the team that Kartman's taking with him?

MR. RUBIN: I'll have to get you some more details. I mean, he's the leader of the team; I'm sure there will be experts in all aspects of this question.

QUESTION: But the team would be qualified to go --

MR. RUBIN: Again you're jumping too far, as is often your want, too far ahead of the game. We are beginning a discussion with them in which we will demand access. The history of the US-North Korea discussions involves usually a lengthy discussion process before there is agreement to our requirements. So we're not expecting them to walk in one day and be able to have the access the next.

QUESTION: It's hard to do the Middle East in 15 minutes but --

MR. RUBIN: We'll try.

QUESTION: Okay, you see, of course, the statements being made in Jerusalem. But there are anonymous people saying things about Netanyahu, for instance. There is a quote in The Washington Times this morning, for instance, that this is not a case of smoking mirrors, suggesting whatever concerns he's raised are theatrical and not sincere. Can you address whether you think he has a basis?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, as I told many of you before, if you look hard enough you can get someone in the State Department to say almost anything. What I say to you is what is authorized by the Secretary of State and those involved in the negotiations. What I have told you is that we regard Prime Minister Netanyahu as having made some very tough decisions, having made some courageous decisions, and now having to deal with the political environment in which Israel exists. We believe that it is his intention to move forward, to carry out these tough decisions that he has made. And we also believe that the Palestinians are going to carry forward in the next few days and provide the necessary security plan.

Those views come from our discussions with Prime Minister Netanyahu and Chairman Arafat and a number of discussions at lower levels. Now, people in the State Department or any other building are entitled to their own opinions, but they don't reflect the views of the Administration.

QUESTION: One other thing, I'm a little confused. How can he be saying - well, the plan isn't due, is it, until Monday? And here he's saying they haven't finished the plan.

MR. RUBIN: The text, as some of you know who studied it carefully, makes very clear that upon the entry into force of the agreement his plan is supposed to have been provided. That is specified in Section II - actually, it is specified in the time line where it says very clearly that upon entry into force of the memorandum the work plan will have been provided -- the Palestinian security work plan shared with the US -- Section II A 1 B, upon entry into force with the memorandum.

As you all know, that is not until Monday, if I get my days right. However, we, in the course of these discussions, did have discussions about this question and an understanding was reached that it would be provided before that. And we have every reason to believe it will be provided by the end of the week.

QUESTION: Does this delay the start of final status talks? And could you give the location of the talks?

MR. RUBIN: I don't have a location for you; but I don't see why this should have any impact on the start of the permanent status talks. We're not behind schedule. Let me be very clear -- today is Wednesday; yesterday was Tuesday. The plan does not have to be provided until Friday. Nothing has been delayed. So we should all be quite clear on that.

As we have seen in the negotiations, sometimes things are done at the last minute and sometimes they are even done the night before, and sometimes it is a result of work all night the night before. So let's be very clear that nothing has been delayed. The agreement was signed on Friday; it's going to enter into force on Monday; and it's going to enter into force because of the commitment and the determination and the tough choices and the courageous decisions of the leaders, and is going to be one in which we are going to work very hard to try to ensure that bumps in the road, such as this, are resolved. We're working on this and we believe, based on our assurances, that the necessary work plan will be provided in the coming days and that the agreement will receive the necessary approval in Israel in the coming days.

QUESTION: David Bar-Illan was quoted as saying that they have information that they will not be getting the report on Friday or Monday. How do you read into that comment?

MR. RUBIN: Well, without responding to any personal issue there, let me just say that our information - based on contacts with the Palestinians - is that we believe and have assurances that it will be.

QUESTION: And if it is provided, then the agreement should unfold as it has been signed?

MR. RUBIN: Right.

QUESTION: The US is probably the inventor of the step-by-step, phase, parallel, lock-in, making everything contingent on everything else. What is the US understanding - does Israel have an obligation to proceed with a pull-back if the plan isn't submitted by Monday?

MR. RUBIN: The time line specifies how this will go forward. Upon entry into force of the agreement, there are several things that have to happen: a committee starts on the third phase; Palestinian work plan is shared with the US; full bilateral security cooperation is begun, pursuant to Section II B 1; trilateral security cooperation committee; interim committees resume; ad hoc economic committees resume; accelerated permanent status negotiations start.

That is prior to Phase I of the parallel effort to transfer territory. It is not until week two upon entry into force that the FRD and security components go in parallel. So these steps that I described to you are things that need to happen upon entry into force. The transfer of land to either full or partial control is something that would not happen until later.

QUESTION: Two weeks after entry into force?

MR. RUBIN: Entry into force - week two - there are various things that have to happen. Weeks two to six there are various things that have to happen, and weeks six to twelve there are various things that have to happen. Within those phases, there are things on the security side and on the territory side.

QUESTION: Week two after the signing, though, not week two after entry into force? It becomes --

MR. RUBIN: Week two, I would think, would be after entry into force; but let me try to get you the answer to that.

QUESTION: But that's a lot of stuff. What if one of the pieces in that --

MR. RUBIN: Well, in this area, it is very easy to find problems. We're in the solution-finding business, and what we will do is try to find solutions when problems arise.

QUESTION: Entry into force means ratification or the signing?

MR. RUBIN: The signing - it enters into force, if I'm correct here-I'll read you from the agreement. I believe it is ten days after signing, which would be November 2, if I've counted my days correctly - anyway, it's ten days. Yes, ten days, Monday. Have we clarified the Middle East peace process? We can keep going.

QUESTION: Pinochet - reaction to the British court decision today; and is there anything additional you care to say about the request for information from the United States and whether the United States actually supports what the Spanish magistrate's been trying to do?

MR. RUBIN: I think I've specified in both yesterday and the day before the assistance we provided. I'd be happy to get you that for the record.

With respect to our view on the decision, this is a legal matter between Spain, the UK and Chile. It would be inappropriate for me to comment on this judicial decision.

QUESTION: Could I follow up?

MR. RUBIN: I'm not sure there's much room to follow up there, but --

QUESTION: Because of the Letelier case, the effects of the Pinochet years actually spilled over on to Washington streets. Given America's past role in Chile and our continuing strong relationship with Chile, it's surprising to some people that the United States has taken no position in that; particularly since this Department has so eloquently championed the cause of human rights prosecutions around the world.

MR. RUBIN: I understand that people have been surprised.

QUESTION: I have a follow-up -- maybe a different angle of the same question. An American citizen was killed in Washington in a terrorist attack that responsibility was linked to Mr. Pinochet. The United States is not considering to request his extradition?

MR. RUBIN: That would be a subject to address to the Justice Department.

QUESTION: There was one other detail in that report on Pinochet in that the British high court decided what they did because of Pinochet's having been a past head of state. Where does the US stand, generally, on that subject?

MR. RUBIN: That's a good question, and upon examination of the decision and all that the decision entails with respect to the question of sovereign immunity, we would be able to have a comment on the legal principle of sovereign immunity; but we need to first see the argumentation.

QUESTION: Another subject - one month after the elections in Slovakia there is today an agreement among four political parties to form a new coalition government. What are the expectations of the United States concerning a possible fresh beginning in the relationship between Slovakia and the West and Western institutions?

MR. RUBIN: Clearly, there were concerns in the past that Secretary Albright spoke to in her trips to the region. Let me say this - the new Slovak Parliament will convene tomorrow. The four main opposition parties expect to form a government in the next few days. The leaders of all four parties have stated their interest in implementing economic and democratic reforms as well as pursuing integration into Western institutions, including the EU and NATO, and have pledged to adopt policies to that end.

We support those aspirations and look forward to cooperating with the new government once it is established.

QUESTION: Another subject - do you know the particular reason for which your Ambassador to Greece, Nicholas Burns, is in Washington today? Any special meeting on Greek-Turkish affairs?

MR. RUBIN: Ambassador Burns, our very able former spokesman of the Department and current Ambassador, is in the United States to address the Secretary's Overseas Security Advisory Council, speak to several universities and Greek-American organizations on our improving relationship with Greece, and meet with US officials. He will be in New York, Washington and Boston and then returns to Athens on November 4.

QUESTION: One more - it was reported that the Cypriot Government has begun building a naval base for defense purposes. I would like to know if the US Government is going to help Cyprus to this effect - any comment?

MR. RUBIN: We are aware that Cypriot President Clerides has announced plans to construct a naval base. We have no information beyond this.

QUESTION: Is there any event where Mr. Burns would meet the press when he comes to Washington?

MR. RUBIN: Mr. Burns has not been shy to meet all of you and I don't expect he has suddenly developed a serious case of shyness.

QUESTION: Don't you have any reaction about the building of the base as increasing the military tension in the area?

MR. RUBIN: As I said, I just have some preliminary information, and I'll have to look into it and get back to you.

QUESTION: A different subject - the European Union has approved a new regime for the banana trade, especially from the Caribbean. Is the United States satisfied that this regime complies with WTO ruling or retaliatory measures are still --

MR. RUBIN: This is under Orange 3, bananas.

QUESTION: Bananas, yes.

(Laughter.)

MR. RUBIN: We have consistently tried to negotiate a settlement of the banana dispute with the European Union, but have been rebuffed. Unfortunately, time is running out for the European Union to comply with the WTO decision on its banana regime, and our options to protect our WTO rights are becoming limited.

We would still prefer to have a negotiated WTO consistent solution to this problem, and remain willing to sit down with the EU to do this. But I wouldn't be a position to speculate on any of the obvious retaliation questions that you might raise, other than to make clear that it is an option open to us.

QUESTION: About Susan Rice's trip to Angola -- can you tell me who she will be meeting with? I don't believe she is meeting with the UNITA rebels, and why is she not meeting with them?

MR. RUBIN: With respect to Susan's trip, I have some information about her objectives. I don't have information as to who she is meeting with in Angola, but we will try to get some after the briefing.

QUESTION: Can you talk about her objectives?

MR. RUBIN: Yes. The purpose of her trip is to engage in consultations with regional leaders about the current situation in the Congo and to express our deep concern about the widening conflict there. She will state our support for a cease-fire by all parties -- that is, that the cease fire must be based on several factors, including recognition of the Congo's territorial integrity; the withdrawal of all foreign forces; and an end to ethnic-based killing and respect for human rights. That is, broadly speaking, the objectives. Obviously, there are many countries who are neighbors of the Congo who it is worth consulting with, given their practices and policies; and Angola is certainly one of them.

QUESTION: Is she not going to be talking about the Angola peace accord?

MR. RUBIN: I would be surprised if that didn't come up; but the purpose of her trip was to deal with the Congo. The Secretary had a very important meeting on this subject about a month ago, three weeks ago, in which a lot of concern was expressed about the future and what the dangers are and the dangers of instability. Based on that meeting, the Secretary asked Assistant Secretary Rice to go to the region to focus on that problem. But just as the Secretary did when she was in Angola and others do when we are there, there are obvious concerns about the failure to comply with the agreement that I would expect to arise.

QUESTION: Can you say something more about how deep the concerns are about instability there; and is this based on new analysis?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, the Congo is a very important part of Africa. We have national interests there in preventing the instability from spreading. We have national resource needs there. We have an interest in protecting the integrity of any sovereign state. So we have real interests, and there is concern that as a result of the instability and the fighting and the civil strife and the presence of outside forces that this could get worse and worse and worse.

QUESTION: Do you think the country could actually break up?

MR. RUBIN: I don't want to say anything that will inflame the situation. Obviously, we have deep concerns about the future of the Congo in terms of the dangers that would ensue if this conflict isn't resolved.

QUESTION: I should know this but I neglected to read your press release. Is she going to the Congo?

MR. RUBIN: Let me read you the statement I should have read last week so it got through my very thin brain. She will be traveling to Africa to consult with regional leaders. In Angola, she will meet with President dos Santos and other government officials to discuss the faltering peace process, developments in the Congo. In her other consultations in the region, she will convey the United States' views -- she will be visiting South Africa, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Uganda. So, yes.

QUESTION: Will she be meeting with the Congolese rebels?

MR. RUBIN: I don't know about that -- unlikely. Other subjects? Someone think of a question, because I have to do a holding pattern for 60 seconds.

QUESTION: Can I - I don't know if someone asked yet about Russia - Yeltsin -- the clear perception that he has been, I guess the word is sidelined that's been used a lot. I know you can't talk about the internal situations, but what are your concerns about who holds the reigns of power?

MR. RUBIN: I spoke yesterday to our view that Prime Minister Primakov is in a position to work on the economic changes and economic programs that we think are necessary to move Russia forward on the economic front. We wish President Yeltsin a speedy recovery. He continues to be the person that we deal with on matters of foreign policy. The President has been in touch with him in recent months; I don't have the last occasion for that. But clearly we talk to President Yeltsin about important subjects.

Secretary Albright also talks to Prime Minister Primakov as well as Foreign Minister Ivanov. The business that we need to conduct continues to be conducted.

QUESTION: There was a report last night by one of our TV networks that Primakov was doing the work that Yeltsin cannot do; in fact, basically coming in as a Vice President would in this country if our President were incapable. Is that accurate or do you know?

MR. RUBIN: All I can say to you is that in the economic area, we believe Prime Minister Primakov is in a position to act on the important issues that we think need to be done; I indicated that yesterday.

As far as what work he does and what work President Yeltsin does and how they share the relevant roles and responsibilities of President and Prime Minister, I don't have any further comment.

With the arrival of the Kosovo team, let me make a couple of brief announcements and then turn the podium over to Ambassador Holbrooke.

As you know, the Department has been organizing itself and working very, very hard on the subject of Kosovo in recent months. Ambassador Holbrooke did a heroic job in trying to get President Milosevic to do what the international community demanded. That was followed up with a lot of work by people in this room, including the work of our NATO generals and including the work of NATO Secretary General Solana, to bring us to a point where we were able to say yesterday that we had achieved substantial compliance. We have now organized ourselves for the implementation of the agreement and the promotion of a political settlement.

Before turning the podium over to Ambassador Holbrooke, let me just introduce two people - at least two people - with him. First we have Ambassador William Walker, who has the job of holding President Milosevic's feet to the fire in terms of compliance. It is his people who will be doing the verification. As we know, that is no easy task. He will run the Kosovo Verification Mission as soon as the OSCE gets it up and running. He is sitting to Ambassador Holbrooke's left.

His success running the peace-keeping operation in eastern Slavonia and dealing, at that time, in mano a mano discussions with Milosevic and Tudjman make him the right choice to supervise the roughly 2,000 international personnel that will be allowed to verify compliance on security and humanitarian aspects.

In addition, we have Ambassador Pardew, sitting to his left, who has been appointed by the Secretary as US Special Representative for Kosovo Implementation. Actually, Assistant Secretary Marc Grossman made that appointment specifically. He will lead a team in the Bureau of European Affairs and will serve as the single point of contact in the Department for implementation issues related to Kosovo. He is currently US Special Representative for Military Stabilization in the Balkans, and will continue to carry out those functions while assuming his new responsibilities for Kosovo.

In addition, to his left, is Larry Rossin, the Office Director for Southern and Central Europe; and then my next-door neighbor, Jim O'Brien, is sitting over there, who is senior advisor to Secretary Albright, who has been assigned by the Secretary, with the strong encouragement of Ambassador Holbrooke, to go over and spend time with President Milosevic, along with Ambassador Hill, in trying to pull the necessary teeth to get progress on Kosovo in both the political and other sides.

With that introduction, let me turn the podium over to Ambassador Holbrooke, who will bring others to the fore as appropriate.

(The briefing concluded at 1:05 P.M.)


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