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U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #39, 99-03-29

U.S. State Department: Daily Press Briefings Directory - Previous Article - Next Article

From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>


875

U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

I N D E X

Monday, March 29, 1999

Briefer: James P. Rubin

SERBIA (KOSOVO)
1-3,9		Russian Prime Minister Primakov's Visit to Belgrade
1,3		Secretary Albright's Conversations with Foreign Minister
		  Ivanov
2,6-7		Secretary's Contact with NATO Foreign Ministers/Discussion
		  of Contact Group Mtg
4-6,8-9		Reports of Serbian Attacks on KLA and Civilian
		  Population/Atrocities
4		Credible Reports that Four Prominent Kosovar Albanian
		  Leaders Executed
4-5,7-8,14	Refugee Flows and Numbers/Briefing by Assistant Secretary
		  Julia Taft
6		US Will Make Available Information to War Crimes Tribunal
6,8		Criticism US Withheld Information Regarding Milosevic
8,9-10		Prospects for Introduction of Ground Troops in Kosovo
9,10		NATO Targeting of Forces Conducting Ground Operations in
		  Kosovo
11		US Travel Warnings/Public Announcements Regarding Situation

RUSSIA 1-3 Russian Prime Minister Primakov's Visit to Belgrade 1,3 Secretary Albright's Conversations with Foreign Minister Ivanov 3,4 US-Russian Relations/Areas of Cooperation 3-4 Attack on US Embassy in Moscow 10-11 Report Prime Minister Primakov Received Money from Iraq's Hussein

NORTH KOREA 11-12 US-DPRK Missile Talks

MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS 12-13 Implementation/Commitments of the Wye River Memorandum

PARAGUAY 13 Update on Situation in Paraguay/Resignation of President

CUBA 13 Orioles and Cuban Baseball Team Exhibition Game

IRAQ 14 UN Panel Conclusion that Intrusive Inspections System Still Needed


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #39

MONDAY, MARCH 29, 1999, 12:30 P.M.

(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. RUBIN: Greetings. Welcome to the State Department briefing on this Monday. I have no opening statements, so let me go directly to your questions.

QUESTION: As you know, Mr. Primakov will be going to Belgrade, and I wondered if the Secretary transmitted any advice or suggestions for his trip.

MR. RUBIN: Let me say, the Secretary's been in touch with Foreign Minister Ivanov a number of times during the course of this crisis. She spoke to him yesterday; she spoke to him again this morning. During that discussion, she indicated that she would be in touch with him again later today.

We welcome any diplomatic efforts that lead to a halt to Belgrade's offensive against the Kosovar Albanian population and to convince President Milosevic to comply with his international commitments. But let me be clear - NATO will continue air operations until such time as President Milosevic halts his offensive and commits to a settlement based on the Rambouillet accords.

QUESTION: Of course, Russia wants to stop the bombing and just to review the bidding, it's always useful every few days, is it sill the US position that Milosevic has to do two things - cease the offensive and agree to - embrace is now the term of art - embrace the settlement that was proposed by Russia and five other countries?

MR. RUBIN: There's been no change in what Milosevic needs to do. What he needs to do is reverse course and start pursuing peace instead of directing a campaign of ethnic cleansing that has been devastating the population of Kosovo in recent days.

The Russians have been part of the Contact Group efforts to pursue a peaceful approach to this conflict for many, many months now. The Russians were part and parcel of putting together the entire Rambouillet accords, with the exception of the military annex. They are supportive of the military annex if the Serbs were to accept it.

So the Russians and we have been working very, very closely together on the peace process. What we hope is that the Russians will be able to do what previous interlocutors have not, and what maybe NATO bombing will start to do, which is to convince President Milosevic that the only solution is for him to stop the offensive, stop the crackdown and commit to a settlement based on the Rambouillet accords.

QUESTION: Has the Secretary heard from any of the European foreign ministers that it might be useful to have a Contact Group meeting?

MR. RUBIN: There's been some discussion of a Contact Group meeting. Most of that has come from the Russian side.

Let me say that Secretary Albright has been in touch with every NATO foreign minister in the last couple of days, and in connection with the President's calls to key leaders from NATO, I think she has been struck by the determination of NATO countries to stay the course. Milosevic's crackdown, the ethnic cleansing that we've seen, the horrible reports of atrocities that we have seen have only redoubled the determination of NATO countries to see this mission through to its completion.

QUESTION: Would Secretary Albright want to have a Contact Group meeting in the present situation, which appears to have changed only by quantity?

MR. RUBIN: Well, our traditional position on such a meeting is that there needs to be well-prepared and it needs to be clear what the outcome would be designed to achieve; and that's not the case at this time.

QUESTION: Can you say anything about the Primakov mission came about? Did the suggestion come from the Russians, did it come from Contact Group members? I've seen something about the French suggesting it.

MR. RUBIN: Well, I can't speak for other Contact Group members. We didn't suggest it.

QUESTION: Was there anything that preceded it? Was there any discussion of Primakov going at an earlier point? It's been rather noticeable that he has not gone or sent anybody, in fact, since the crisis began.

MR. RUBIN: Well, Ivanov had been there in the past. It's not a surprise to us the Russians may pursue diplomacy. As you know, some non-governmental officials met with Ambassador Holbrooke over the weekend, and they were pursuing their efforts. In addition, the Ukrainian Government has gone. So it's not a surprise to us. We didn't suggest it. As far as what other countries might have said to the Russians, you'd have to ask them.

QUESTION: Are you persuaded that the message that Primakov and Ivanov will carry is consistent with the US and NATO position? Are you worried that they're going to -

MR. RUBIN: Let me say this -- we have no illusions. The Russians and the United States have a fundamental disagreement about the need and the importance and justification of using military power against the Serbs. So I wouldn't expect them to have made the case for air power and the reasons for the use of force.

As far, however, as the goal is concerned, as I indicated the Russians have been part of the Rambouillet process since the beginning, and it was a Contact Group assessment that concluded that the Serbs were not negotiating seriously and not seeking a peaceful solution to this conflict that was one of the justifications for the use of force -- an assessment that Russians shared. So they have the same database as we do as far as what the past has been.

As far as what position they're going to take, the Secretary made very clear to Foreign Minister Ivanov in a series of calls in recent days our position and NATO's position. Solana has been very clear on NATO's position and I expect to the extent that Russians have been in contact with other NATO countries, they will have received the same message. So they will be going with no doubt as to what NATO and the United States' position.

QUESTION: But did the Secretary indicate that there was any sort of room for the Russians to negotiate with Milosevic?

MR. RUBIN: We have been very clear from the beginning: he has to reverse course; and that hasn't changed.

QUESTION: Is it a dangerous mission, a physically dangerous mission, Mr. Primakov is undertaking? Is there anything NATO's doing to make it a little less dangerous?

MR. RUBIN: You'd have to address that question to the Pentagon.

QUESTION: Did Secretary Albright raise with Foreign Minister Ivanov the attack on the American Embassy? And how would you respond to the critics of this Administration, who say that the Administration is trying to downplay what in fact it does recognize as a seriously damaged relationship with Russia?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we haven't been downplaying it at all. Frankly, we've been very candid about the disagreement and the depth of the disagreement on this question. We've been very candid about what has been interfered with and what has not been interfered with. Let me point out to you that the head of the IMF, Mr. Camdessus, has been in Moscow. He's been working with Primakov and others about economic matters. We worked with the Russians on non-proliferation matters, including Iran and highly-enriched uranium agreements. We continue to work with them on the conventional forces in Europe treaty.

As far as the embassy is concerned, it is correct that a man fired an automatic rifle at the chancery building of the US Embassy in Moscow on Sunday. No one was injured. We understand the man had first attempted to fire a shoulder-mounted weapon at the building, but the weapon did not fire. The man fled in a vehicle which was subsequently recovered by Moscow police.

We have been in very close contact with the Russian police and with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. There have been no arrests in the case. The embassy is reviewing operations in light of events this past week and the incident on Sunday. Ambassador Collins is satisfied with the cooperation that he's been receiving from Russian authorities.

So clearly, we have a disagreement with Russia on the question of using force in Kosovo. We have an agreement with Russia that we need to work together and try to overcome our differences. The Secretary and Foreign Minister Ivanov have made that point to each other a number of times in recent days. There are some things we're continuing to work on with them; there are some, with respect to NATO cooperation, the Russians have suspended. But we're not downplaying anything. We're being very clear and unequivocal that we think that letting Slobodan Milosevic get away with ethnic cleansing and mass murder in Kosovo would have been a grave error. We are imposing the highest possible punishment on his forces and the targets we're hitting precisely because we are not going to stand by and let that action occur with impunity, regardless of whether the Russians agree with us.

QUESTION: Jamie, can you confirm reports that five ethnic Albanian leaders were executed, including one who actually participated in the negotiations in France? And also, how do you respond to criticism that the policy - the air strikes - intended to stop atrocities such as these may actually be resulting in more atrocities against the ethnic Albanians?

MR. RUBIN: As far as the first par of your question is concerned, Serbian forces continue their attacks against both KLA - Kosovar Liberation Army - positions and the broader Kosovar Albanian civilian population. The heaviest military and police operations today appear to be around Podejevo and in Southwest Kosovo near the Albanian border.

Refugees continue to stream into Albanian - as many as 60,000 have arrived in Albania in the last 48 hours, according to the UN, and to a lesser extent into Montenegro and Macedonia.

Reports of killings and mass expulsions of Kosovar Albanians continue to accumulate. We have seen credible reports that four prominent Kosovar Albanian leaders have been executed by the Serbs, including Fehmi Agani, a member of the Rambouillet delegation, as well as the editor of the newspaper Koha Ditore. So we believe these are credible reports.

Let me say, the Secretary has been receiving continuing reports of refugee flows and men being separated from the elderly, women and children. Mr. Thaci, the leader of the Kosovar Albanians, who signed the agreement, spoke to her yesterday and told her that Yugoslav army and police units as well as paramilitary groups were killing civilians and burning houses; that the KLA was trying to defend civilians, but the fighting had spread to the cities and that there had been a sense that they were being overwhelmed.

Mr. Thaci said that Pristina was like a dead city. Many had been arrested or killed, including many intellectuals and scholars; that houses and stores have been burned down in Pec; and that refugees had been flowing into Montenegro. Similar things were happening in Prizren. His sources indicated that on March 28, 37 Kosovars were executed in the Suva-Reka commune and more than 60,000 ethnic Albanians in Mitrovica had fled to the mountains. In Goden, 22 teachers were murdered in front of their students, and his assessment was that there were half a million Kosovars who were on the move in one form or another.

The gravest situation of all, from his perspective, was the fate of 20,000 people taken from the Drenica region. The refugees, mostly women and children, were being held in what he called a kind of concentration camp in a munitions factory and he was concerned that they were being held as hostages or human shields.

Let me say that the Kosovar Liberation Army officials that have been in touch with us and Kosovar Albanian sources that have been in touch with us have indicated that they believe the air strikes have, to date, succeeded in preventing an even greater number of atrocities. That is from their standpoint.

Let me say, as far as this criticism is concerned, I'm obviously familiar with it. I think it's wholly misplaced. We should bear in mind that throughout most of 1998, Milosevic was waging an aggressive war against Kosovo's population - killing over 2,000 people and displacing more than 250,000 people. In January of this year, 44 innocent civilians were murdered at Racak, well before the air strikes. In January 25 male Kosovar Albanians were killed on January 29. Even as the Rambouillet talks were underway, the Serbs were massing their forces.

We had every reason to believe that they had both the intent and the capability to conduct massive offensive operations that would have been conducted with or without NATO air strikes. The difference now is that they're being conducted and he is paying a heavy price.

The Kosovar Albanians have indicated they think that these air strikes have limited the ability of the Serbs to conduct these operations. Let me say that the brunt of NATO air strikes were targeted at Serbian ground forces who were attacking Kosovar Albanians. We believe that NATO air strikes will disrupt and degrade the capacity of Serbian forces to continue their offensive against the Kosovar Albanians. But it is simply not something that can be accomplished in a matter of days.

We and our NATO allies must be prepared to see this campaign through until our objective of damaging Milosevic's capacity to make war on the Kosovar Albanians is achieved.

QUESTION: Were those the words of Thaci himself, that the KLA is overwhelmed?

MR. RUBIN: Well, I'm giving you a summary of a conversation; I wouldn't want to put the quote in his mouth.

QUESTION: And this report of the 20,000 who were taken and held in what you described as concentration --

MR. RUBIN: What he described as --

QUESTION: What he described - but he used that word or that term or whatever?

MR. RUBIN: Right.

QUESTION: Has the United States been able to verify that, using national technical means?

MR. RUBIN: I'm not able to comment on particular activities of our intelligence capabilities. Let me say this - we do believe that ethnic cleansing is going on; we do believe that there are houses burning; and we do believe that this is a campaign of forced expulsion.

As far as any specific assessment of a specific issue, I would not be able to judge it. But let me say this - the people conducting this operation should be very clear: the United States will make available all its information to the War Crimes Tribunal. There is no statute of limitations on war crimes, crimes against humanity. That information will be made available to the Tribunal.

QUESTION: You refer specifically to Milosevic to that case because there's been some criticism that in the past, because you needed Milosevic as a negotiating partner, that the United States hadn't really been all that forthcoming with information about him.

MR. RUBIN: I categorically reject those charges. The United States has provided extensive evidence to the War Crimes Tribunal on all kinds of cases. We have responded to requests by the Tribunal's prosecutors by providing them with information under rules that protect the confidentiality of the information. Since the Tribunal was set up, we have provided the prosecutor's office with thousands of documents on all kinds of cases. We're continuing to provide the Tribunal with information.

The Tribunal's policy is to go wherever the evidence leads. Our policy is and continues to be that we support their efforts in this regard. We have never made exceptions for any case that Tribunal has wanted to pursue, nor will we. As a political matter, it is clear that Slobodan Milosevic bears responsibility for the events that led to war crimes in Croatia, Bosnia and now Kosovo. Events in Kosovo obviously are being directed from Belgrade. That raises issues of command responsibility, just as it did during part of the Croatian and Bosnian conflicts. Therefore, it would be logical that any investigation into events in Kosovo would point to leadership in Belgrade. We are certainly cooperating in that vein with the Tribunal.

But any suggestion that we have been holding back information as part of some political policy is simply incorrect.

QUESTION: You said before that the Secretary has by now spoken to every foreign minister among the NATO allies. The US went on the offensive last Friday - the President, the Secretary - in video messages to the Serbs. Have the allies been doing enough to satisfy the US so far as pointing out the horrific situation? I hear echoes in London, I don't hear echoes coming all over the world. Maybe I should stay tuned to Voice of - to BBC or something.

MR. RUBIN: I can't comment on each specific government. Let me say, during these calls, the Secretary was very heartened by the determination of all NATO countries to stay the course. One thing is clear - as Milosevic's forces continue this crackdown, it only heightens the determination of NATO to continue its policies.

QUESTION: No, I meant the humanitarian situation. It's a kind of quiet Holocaust.

MR. RUBIN: The British have been quite clear. The German Government has been quite clear. I've seen quotes on that. I don't have additional quotes to provide you.

QUESTION: Any decision yet on what response the US Government may have to helping these refugees?

MR. RUBIN: Well, let me say that Julia Taft will be giving you a briefing later this afternoon on the humanitarian situation. According to the UN 60, 000 people have crossed into Albania in the last 24 hours, and about 2,000 are crossing hourly, for a current total of about 80,000. There are reports that up to 90,000 refugees remain in Kosovo waiting to cross over into Albania. Obviously, therefore, the emergency response capacity of Albania is rapidly being reached. There are unofficial reports of up to 10,000 new internally displaced persons crossing into Montenegro within the last 72 hours, bringing the total in Montenegro up to 35, 000.

There are reportedly up to 30,000 refugees within a one to two-day walk of the border. The UN had evacuated from -- (inaudible) - but is planning to return. ICRC is present. Some 3,000 refugees have crossed into Macedonia, bringing that total to 19,000. The Serbian threat to open a humanitarian corridor to Macedonia remains open. If this happens, obviously the flows could increase.

Our preparations in this kind of an emergency are ongoing. UNHCR has convened a meeting tomorrow in Geneva to encourage bilateral donors to take the lead in individual sectors. We have announced $8.5 million in funding available for UNHCR. We are supporting their efforts and we will have more information to provide to you by Julia Taft later in the day.

QUESTION: In light of all these and in light of the fact that the President and the Secretary both made personal messages to the Serbs, does the US Government have any kind of a message for these refugees, for the people? I notice that the KLA is asking some or most ethnic Albanians to stay in their homeland not to flee.

MR. RUBIN: We can't make that judgment for them. What we can say, as Julia Taft will make clear, is that we are going to do our utmost to try to assist them in this very difficult time, and that they are going to be able to return to their homes.

QUESTION: How do you get them back? A second question, related, though, is the forced march that had been reported several days ago. Have you collected enough data to indicate whether or not that happened?

MR. RUBIN: I wouldn't be able to answer that question specifically in this forum.

QUESTION: Can you answer the question about how do you hope to get them back?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we want to see a peaceful solution to this conflict, and there will be a peaceful solution ultimately, and they will be able to return to their homes.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) - that the Serbs in many cases, maybe most cases, are removing all the identifications, license plates and so on from people as they're fleeing?

MR. RUBIN: Well, there are a lot of ominous indicators in Kosovo right now. Let me say that the abhorrent and criminal actions in a massive scale are occurring in Kosovo. These include ethnic cleansing, war crimes and crimes against humanity -- all arising out of atrocities committed by Milosevic's forces. There are indicators that genocide is unfolding in Kosovo, but we are looking at a mixture of confirmed and unconfirmed reports at this time. There is no reason, however, to await confirmation of genocide because we can clearly say crimes against humanity are being committed by Milosevic's forces. The International Tribunal can impose life imprisonment, and that can be imposed for crimes against humanity, just as it can for genocide.

We need to understand that to determine that crimes against humanity are occurring is all we need to pursue our policy in this field. Current criminal activity by Milosevic's forces is so great it warrants the full response we are now embarked upon with our NATO allies.

QUESTION: Does the US Government think that Milosevic is a war criminal?

MR. RUBIN: As I indicated, we have no doubt that he bears political responsibility for the decisions that have been made to crackdown, through these most brutal means, on the people of Kosovo. With respect to the legal determination, that is up to the Tribunal to make. We will assist the Tribunal in whatever way it asks.

QUESTION: The question of ground troops seems to be raised with increasing intensity, and there are a number of experts around town who are saying that if NATO doesn't put ground troops in, there won't be any Kosovo left to save. Has this building discussed at all the issue of ground troops?

MR. RUBIN: We never discuss internal deliberations. The President has made clear we have no intention to introduce ground troops into Kosovo. Let me say this -- with each day of fighting and radicalization of the population, it is President Milosevic that is losing Kosovo.

QUESTION: Two questions, two avenues.

MR. RUBIN: Avenues? That sounds like a lawyer during a trial.

QUESTION: First, there's several reports from several different places that there's also 20,000 men have been placed in a soccer stadium in Pec.

MR. RUBIN: I haven't heard that.

QUESTION: You mentioned 20,000 people before. Where did you say they were being placed in?

MR. RUBIN: This was a reference to the conversation Mr. Thaci had with Secretary Albright.

QUESTION: Can you say where they had this?

MR. RUBIN: In Skenderaj. S-k-e-n-d-e-r-a-j. They had come from the Drenica region.

QUESTION: Okay, and in the conversation with Mr. Thaci, did he say either that that the KLA - did he walk back from their signature of the accord, or did he now say that they could accept nothing short of independence?

MR. RUBIN: He made clear that they want to pursue peace. I believe he's giving interviews to that effect, and they haven't changed their position.

QUESTION: One more, at least, on the Primakov trip. From the US standpoint, is that a black/white or an either/or situation, or is there room, should Milosevic taking a hammering try to seek some suspension of the military action with some promise that he would look into the situation, maybe negotiate? I mean, I don't want to come up with all the hypotheses because you'll reject it as hypothetical. But is this something that Primakov can accomplish other than getting Milosevic to say yes to your two main goals?

MR. RUBIN: Anything that can move Milosevic towards accepting the demands of the international community - that is, stopping the offensive and embracing the Rambouillet accords - is a step in the right direction. But we have been very clear that we will continue our air operations regardless, until those demands have been met of the international community.

QUESTION: Jamie, you say there's ethnic cleansing going on, probably genocide and that Milosevic is paying a price. But isn't there anything that NATO can do more quickly to stop the ethnic cleansing at this point?

MR. RUBIN: Well, as I indicated, the targeting has now begun to focus directly on those forces conducting ground operations in Kosovo. Their equipment, their ability to operate is being damaged and disrupted. That is what NATO is doing. The Kosovar Albanians we have spoken to have indicated they think that this is beginning to have an effect. But we'll have to see. It's the middle of a campaign, and this can't be resolved overnight. This is a long-standing conflict with a lot of history. Slobodan Milosevic's forces have gathered in very large numbers and begun an offensive before we launched our air campaign. It is something we're determined to see through.

QUESTION: But ground troops, commando raids, special forces, nothing is being considered at this point to stop it sooner?

MR. RUBIN: I have nothing new to add to you on what the senior officials have been saying all weekend.

QUESTION: Jamie, how is it that air strikes are able to target what has been described to us as basically bands of thugs that are roaming on the streets, much of the Serb civilians taking up arms, some of the special police? We're talking about small groups who are moving very quietly and quickly through various towns and villages. How do air strikes get them?

MR. RUBIN: Well, the Pentagon could give you a more precise answer. Let me give you the best answer I can; which is to say that when 10,000 to 18, 000 Serbian forces and paramilitaries are engaged in an operation, there is a supply line, there is a capability based on armored personnel carriers, tanks, ammunition, command and control - all the assets that are brought to bear in that. People can't sustain that kind of operation without a system of support, and that is what is being targeted and disrupted and damaged.

QUESTION: Also on Primakov, have you seen the article in the current New Yorker magazine, suggesting that Primakov had been on the take from the Iraqis in terms of supplying them weapons?

MR. RUBIN: I even had the distinct pleasure of reading it.

QUESTION: What do you think?

MR. RUBIN: I can't comment on intelligence matters.

(Laughter.)

QUESTION: Jamie, going back to Kosovo, I know the State Department --

QUESTION: Follow-up --

MR. RUBIN: It's not going to get you anywhere, but you can try.

QUESTION: It's just provocative - you're saying this is, in fact, an intelligence matter now?

MR. RUBIN: Well, the particular allegation that is being referred to is based on intelligence information.

QUESTION: Okay, so you all are taking it seriously then?

MR. RUBIN: No, I am just saying that it's based on an intelligence matter and I'm not going to comment on it.

QUESTION: Did you enjoy the article?

MR. RUBIN: Personally?

QUESTION: Yes.

MR. RUBIN: It's not relevant.

QUESTION: For the record, you're not disputing the content of the article?

MR. RUBIN: I could, but then I would start down a road where I would have to dispute some things and then in order to dispute them, I would have to get into an area I'm not prepared to get into. I'm not accepting anything in the article. I am simply saying that, to answer Jim's perfectly legitimate question, it would require me to refer to intelligence information that I refuse to do.

QUESTION: Going back to Kosovo, I know the State Department has issued a number of travel warnings. I wonder if you could update them. What's the concern and advice for people who might be traveling to Yugoslavia or areas near there? What's the concern and advice for people traveling to Italy, Greece, Russia, any other countries that have seen some protest over air strikes?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we have put out a variety of travel warnings and notices for various countries that I'd be happy to provide to you. But basically, with this situation ongoing, we were asking American citizens in a variety of countries to use more caution in recognizing what's going on around the world.

QUESTION: Is NATO giving any thought to postponing the summit, given -

MR. RUBIN: I haven't heard that from anybody.

QUESTION: Switzerland and Austria both have denied use of their airspace to NATO, as I understand it. This may have come up earlier in the week but I'm just wondering, has anybody in the higher reaches of the State Department tried to reach those governments and ask them to change their minds?

MR. RUBIN: I have no information on that. You'd have to ask the Pentagon.

QUESTION: You're not aware?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, I just have no information on it.

QUESTION: I just wanted to ask about North Korea. The missile talks started today. Do you have any statement about that?

MR. RUBIN: As far as North Korea is concerned, yes, the talks did begin in Pyongyang. This will be a follow on to our last round of talks, where the two sides discussed our concerns about North Korea's destabilizing Taepo Dong I last August as well as other missile proliferation issues. We continue to have serious concerns about North Korea's development, testing and export of missiles and missile technology. We will use the talks to press these concerns and to seek tight constraints on North Korea's missile activities.

We previously held missile talks with the North Koreans in April '96, June '97 and October '98. As you know, North Korea's missile proliferation activities are of great concern to us, and will be addressed in full at the talks.

QUESTION: Can I ask you about the Middle East situation? You my be aware of this. I hope you are. Ha'Aretz led the newspaper with a report that the US has sort of fine-tuned its reading of Wye that now it isn't demanding an Israeli troop withdrawal until the Palestinians fulfill security obligations. However, the US does want Israel to do all the other things. This came from a senior Administration official. Then the AP, and possibly others, found another official who said that's true. Can you tell us at the moment what is the US reading of what Israel must do so far as withdrawing right now? I know you seem slightly amused by this, but I assure you it came from a senior official.

MR. RUBIN: Well, there has been no change in our position.

QUESTION: You want Israel to withdraw right now?

MR. RUBIN: There has been no change in our position.

QUESTION: What is your position?

MR. RUBIN: If the premise of an article in the Israeli press is that we have changed our position, then that article is incorrect. It wouldn't be the first time. The issue is not who goes first. The parties should be focusing on a serious process of implementation. If we had a serious process underway, one in which both sides were fulfilling their obligations, we would not be having this discussion.

On the issue of implementation, let's go over where we stand. During phase one, both sides work together to fulfill their obligations under the Wye River memorandum. Under phase two, the Palestinians have fulfilled some of their commitments, particularly with respect to fighting terror. There are other commitments under phase two that they have yet to fulfill. The Israelis, for their part, have not fulfilled any of their commitments under phase two. Our view is that both sides should move forward in a parallel phased approach to fulfill all of their commitments under the Wye River memorandum.

QUESTION: There's no conflict between that and the reports. The reports suggest that you have a parallel process, the Palestinians have not done what all is expected of them; therefore, the Administration does not currently expect Israel to pull back.

MR. RUBIN: That's not correct; that's not our position.

QUESTION: That's not correct? Okay, thank you.

QUESTION: Do you have any comment on the political situation right now in Paraguay?

MR. RUBIN: In Paraguay, let me say that President Raul Cubas resigned last night and is replaced by Senate President Gonzalez Macchi. The presidential transition was constitutional, peaceful and overwhelmingly supported by the Paraguayan people. Asuncion is calm this morning, and security conditions appear to be returning to normal.

QUESTION: Do you think that the new president can solve or stabilize the situation, and have you made contacts with him?

MR. RUBIN: I believe we will be in touch with him, and we hope the political sectors and the government will reach a consensus on how to proceed very soon.

QUESTION: The spokesperson of Japan said that the US will be raising the issue of the two suspicious ships Japan fired at last week. Can you confirm this?

MR. RUBIN: I have no information on that. I'll try to get it for you after the briefing.

QUESTION: Do you have anything on yesterday's game in Havana?

MR. RUBIN: The baseball game.

QUESTION: You got it.

MR. RUBIN: We're delighted about the way the game was played.

(Laughter.)

The game highlighted the goodwill of the American people toward the Cuban people. We also appreciated the Little League games that also took place. The Cuban people saw a fine example of American institutions, its values, diversity and openness.

QUESTION: Are you satisfied with the situation in Cuba -- that the government made invitations to some people, given to the communist party to invite people, to watch the game?

MR. RUBIN: The Cuban Government decided how much of the tickets were distributed. The fact is that tens of thousands of Cuban people saw the game at the stadium, and the entire Cuban people were able to watch the game on television.

QUESTION: Did the better team win?

MR. RUBIN: Of course, yes.

QUESTION: Okay, the UN --

MR. RUBIN: Late breaking news you want to put to me?

QUESTION: No, no, no; it's not breaking news. I just want to make sure I'm phrasing this properly for my colleague. The latest UN panel concluded that the intrusive inspections system is still needed in Iraq. Is there a response from the US Government?

MR. RUBIN: The UN panel on disarmament chaired by Ambassador Amirim of Brazil has submitted its report to the Security Council. Copies were distributed to all members. Once reports from all three panels have been distributed, they will decide how to operationalize the panel's recommendations.

The report recognizes that there are outstanding disarmament issues in Iraq and that an intrusive monitoring regime is required to prevent rearmament. In fact, the report states that the monitoring system already approved by the Council gives inspectors the rights, privileges and immunities necessary to do the job.

Now that the Council has received the technical report that it asked Ambassador Amirim and the panel to produce, the Council now has the job of deciding how to best operationalize these recommendations. We'll be consulting with Council members to that end.

QUESTION: Does the US agree that an intrusion inspection system is needed in Iraq?

MR. RUBIN: Absolutely.

QUESTION: What time is the Julia Taft thing?

MR. RUBIN: Probably at about 2:00-ish -- 2:15 p.m.

QUESTION: On camera, Jamie?

MR. RUBIN: I don't know where it will be able to be held.

QUESTION: Will it be public on camera?

MR. RUBIN: I don't know where it will be able to be held.

(The briefing concluded at 1:15 P.M.)


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